Manifeste
Academic
boycott of Israel, divestment & Sue Blackwell's Homepage
(I)
La
Conférence internationale aux Nations Unies de la société
civile appelle au Boycott, au retrait des investissements et aux sanctions!
by Stop The Wall (19/07/2005)
Resister
à l'apartheid israélien: stratégies et principes
by Ilan Pappe (ISM/BRICUP)
British
Committee for Universities of Palestine (BRICUP, soutien
à l'offensive)
Statements
of aims by Bricup
Palestinian
Call by Bricup
Headlines/Breaking
News, about Al Quds University by Bricup
Colonisation
et annexion: la menace sur Al-Quds by Bilal Dhaher (Altermonde)
Le
projet israélien d'une nouvelle expansion de la colonisation contrarie
les discussions de paix by IMEMC
Birzeit University-Palestine
Palestinian academics
call for international academic boycott of Israel by Lisa Taraki
Israeli army soldiers
block the entrance gates to Birzeit University
British MPS support
the right to education in Palestine
Between
South Africa and Israel: UNESCO's double-standards by Omar Barghouti
and Jacqueline Sfejr
Pas
de tolérance pour la dissidence en Israel by A.Schwartzbrod
(C.I.E./Gent University)
Israeli Jewish myths
and the prospect of American war:Ilan Pappe interviewed by Greg Dropkin
(pdf)
Israel
Historians Asks : What really Happened Fifty Years Ago ? by Ilan Pappe
The
Plan Dalet
Resolutions 181,
194,
3236
Fear,
Victimhood, Self and Other by I.Pappe
The
Tantura Case in Israel : The Katz Research and Trial by I. Pappe (pdf)
Selves and others,
expressed views by I.Pappe
Books to change
our world (Word Power)
A history of
moderne Palestine, one land, two peoples by I.Pappe
The making
of the Arab-Israeli Conflict, 1947-1951 by I.Pappe
The Israel/Palestine
Question by I.Pappe
autres approches
Arab Nationalism
in the Twentieth Century by Adeed Dawisha
Image and Reality
of Israel-palestine Conflict by Norman Finkelstein
Iraq Jews :
A History of Mass Exodus by Abbas Shiblak
The Iron Wall:
Irael and the Arab World by Avi Shlaim
War and Peace
in the Middle East : A Concise History by A.Shlaim
The other Israel
: Voices of Refusal and Dissent by R.Carey & J. Shainin
Israel's land laws as a legal political tool & banks
Le monde
clos de la globalisation, le développement économique autoritaire
et l'avantage humain de la révolution sociale by Christian
Pose
Official
History of Leumi
Official
History of Bank of Israel
BADIL
Expert Seminars-Palestinian Refugees
Nakbah/Naqba, la catastrophe, les expulsions
Ennemi
de l'Etat : Conversation avec le professeur Ilan Pappé
by Don Atapattu (ISM, 20/07/2005)
Ilan
Pappé : seul sur les barricades by Meron Rappaport
(ISM,09/05/2005)
Mythes
israéliens et guerre : interview d'Ilan Pappé
by Solidarités-Pour une Alliance socialiste (rappel, extrait de
l'article ci-dessous)
Ilan Pappé:
Israeli jewish miths and the prospect of American war
TANTURA Massacre exposed : 21 eyewitness testimonies of war crimes
against humanity (2001)
Al-Tantura
District of Haifa, ethnically cleansed 20,439 days ago
All
that remains by Walid Khalidi
History
and Power in Middle East : A Conversation with Ilan Pappe
Israel
Must be Treated as South Africa was, by I.Pappe
Et
Tel Aviv s'appellera Genève by I.Pappe
The
impact of Zionism on Jewish, Christian and Muslim relations by Rajnaara
Akhtar
The
idea of Post Zionism and its Critique by Avishai Ehvich
Palestine,
les bases de la coexistence by Edward saïd
A
Window on The World by E.Saïd
Les oppositions à la nouvelle histoire et les travaux de propagande
des "chercheurs/ informateurs" du MEF/Middle East Forum, du
MEIB/Middle East Intelligence Bulletin,
du Committee
on the Present Danger (CPD), du Team
B, du PNAC, de l'USCFL,
du JINSA...
An
Islamist Apology by Daniel Pipes
Weak Brits, Tough
French by D.Pipes
World
War IV : how it started, what it means and why we have to win
by Norman Pordhoretz (CPD/Commentary, pdf)
King
Abdullah II : "Iraq is the Battleground-the West against Iran",
interview by MEQ/MEF
Reconstructing Iraq : winning
the propaganda war in iraq by Ron Schleifer
Lessons from the counter-terrorism
war by Goaz Ganor
Can hezbollah and
hamas be democratic ? by Daniel Pipes
Anti-semitism revisited
by Asaf Romirowsky
Will Washington support democracy
in Iran ? by Michael Rubin
An unbridgeable US/Europe
divide? by Robert Kagan
Rewriting
Israel's History by Efraim Karsh
My
non-zionist narrative by Ilan Pappé (une très
belle réponse d'Ilan Pappé à Efraim Karsh)
Benny Morris
and the regn of error by Efraim Karsh
The Unbearable
ligthness of my critics by Efraim karsh
A Totalitarian concept of
History by Avi Shlaim (Shlaim vs.Karsh)
No
more tears : Benny Morris and the road cack from liberal zionism by
Joel beinin
Israel's Academic
extremits by Solomon Socrates
Public Trust
in the IDF by Asa Kasher (soutiendra les travaux de T.Katz durant
son procès)
Behind
the Battles Over US Middle East Studies by Zachary Lockman
Boycotting
Israel at NYU by Zachary Lockman
Israel
and the New Intifada by Zachary Lockman
The
Israeli-palestinian conflict (and more) Bibliography by Gershon Shafir
Israel, exil et dissidence
Le
mur de séparation et le mythe de la gauche israélienne
by Gilad Atzmon (suivi de Pas en mon nom, de l'antisémitisme, les
erreurs les plus fréquentes du peuple israélien, anatomie
d'un conflit intrinsèquement irrésolu-une réflexion
philosophique personnelle)
The passion
of Arafat by Gilad Atzmon
Zionism and
other Marginal Thoughts by Gilad Atzmon
Sheikh Ahmed
Yassin by Gilad Atzmon
The birth of
the tragedy-the victim Mentality by Gilad Atzmon
Jazz and politics
by Gilad Atzmon
Toward
an open tomb by Michel Warschawski
Antisemitisme
by Michel Warschawski
On
crée l'illusion by Michel Warschawski
Palestine
Initiative de Genève by Michel Warschawski
South
Africa, Israel-Palestine, and the Contours of the Contemporary World Order
by C.J.Lee and N. Chomsky
Israel Toxitity et Solidarité-Palestine
Résistances au "mur de fer" (chronologie, cartes, histoire
critique et théories)
Dénonçons
l'apartheid israelien et le silence du Canada
by Rezeq Faraj (CMAQ)
Rappelons qu’en juin 2002, prétextant assurer sa sécurité,
Israël commence la construction d’une barrière de séparation,
un mur qui atteint 8 mètres de hauteur, qui aura plus de 700 km de longueur
et qui transformera la Cisjordanie occupée en une immense prison.
La décision de la Cour internationale de Justice ( CIJ) représente
un moment d’espérance pour la crise au Proche-Orient, car il ramène
le droit international au cœur du dialogue, et place Israël au pied
du mur quant à sa responsabilité juridique envers le peuple palestinien.
La CJI stipulait même qu’« Israël est dans l’obligation
de réparer tous les dommages causés par le mur ». (14 juges
sur 15, seul dissident le juge des États-Unis).
Mais il n’y a pas qu’Israël qui se trouve interpellé
par cette situation, selon l’avis du CIJ : « Tous les États
sont dans l'obligation de ne pas reconnaître la situation illicite découlant
de la construction du mur ». Or il s’avère que le Canada
manque à son devoir de respecter le droit international. Scott Weinstein,
porte-parole de la Coalition pour la justice et paix en Palestine rappelle que
« le Canada entretient avec Israël des relations commerciales privilégiées,
dont un traité de libre-échange, et tente même d' empêcher
que le peuple palestinien puisse au moins faire reconnaître au grand jour
les violations israéliennes du droit international. ».
Dans ce contexte de non respect du droit international, malgré la résistance
héroïque du peuple palestinien, le rapport de force lui est défavorable
et de simples négociations de lui rendra pas justice. Il en tient également
à la société civile mondiale de rendre l’avis de
la CIJ concrète en se mobilisant derrière la cause.
Plateforme des ONG françaises pour la palestine (site officiel)
Rapports du PENGON,Dossiers Gush Shalom, Rapports B’Tselem, Articles de
l’Alternative Information Center (AIC), Dossiers Taayush, Rapports de
l’UNRWA....
Présentation
de la Plateforme des ONG françaises pour la Palestine
La plateforme des ONG françaises pour la Palestine, devenue association
loi 1901 en 2001, rassemble 40 associations, dont 24 sont membres signataires
et 16 sont membres observateurs.
La plateforme regroupe des organisations de solidarité internationale,
des associations de sensibilisation, de développement, de recherche,
de défense des Droits de l’Homme, des mouvements d'éducation
populaire et des collectifs d'associations. Elles ont en commun l’adhésion
à la Charte fondatrice de la plateforme.
Map,
The Grassroots Palestinian Anti-Apartheid Wall Campaign, February 27th, 2005
Apartheid
israélien : ghettoisation et bantoustanisation de la palestine
by Jamal Juma
Une analyse sur les véritables objectifs politiques et lucratifs des
"aides financières" des Etats-Unis et de la Banque mondiale
à la Palestine, aides qui ne visent qu’à soutenir le capital
israélien et international, par l’aggravation d’une "occupation
profitable" sur le peuple palestinien.
L’avenir de la Palestine selon la Banque mondiale : un système
sophistiqué de bantoustans constellés de check-points et devant
servir de réservoirs de main-d’œuvre au profit du capital
israélien et international.
Stop the Wall (site officiel)
Some of Britain’s most prominent architects are considering an economic
boycott of Apartheid Israel’s construction industry, in protest against
the continued expansion of settlements, the ongoing construction of the Apartheid
Wall and what it described as the Occupation’s use of architecture to
promote an “apartheid system”.
Architects and Planners for Justice in Palestine (APJP) met last week to condemn
the Wall and the annexation of Palestinian land. Around 60 high-profile architects
attended the meeting. They described Israeli architects, planners and engineers
working on such projects as “complicit in social, political and economic
oppression,” noting that “planning, architecture and other construction
disciplines are being used to promote an apartheid system of environmental control.”
Campaign
Fact sheets.
July 9 : Resistance
to go global : call to end occupation and israeli apartheid
International law
The Court first recalls that on 10 December 2003 the Secretary-General of the
United Nations officially communicated to the Court the decision taken by the
General Assembly to submit the question set forth in its resolution ES-10/14,
adopted on 8 December 2003 at its Tenth Emergency Special Session, for an advisory
opinion. The question is the following:
"What are the legal consequences arising from the construction of the wall
being built by Israel, the occupying Power, in the Occupied Palestinian Territory,
including in and around East Jerusalem, as described in the report of the Secretary-General,
considering the rules and principles of international law, including the Fourth
Geneva Convention of 1949, and relevant Security Council and General Assembly
resolutions?"
The Court then gives a short overview of the history of the proceedings.
Cartes du Mur et des colonies en Cisjordanies
Sites
palestiniens
Centre palestinien
d'information (site officiel)
The Palestine Chronicle (site officiel)
Palestine.Monitor (site
officiel)
PALESTINIAN
AGRICULTURAL RELIEF COMMITTEES (PARC), SITE OFFICIEL
Palsolidarity. org (site officiel)
Conséquences juridiques de l'édification d'un mur dans le territoire
palestinien occupé
A-Abdul G. Koroma.
1. Tout en souscrivant à la décision de la Cour selon laquelle
le mur qu’Israël, puissance occupante, est en train de construire
dans le territoire palestinien occupé, y compris à l’intérieur
et sur le pourtour de Jérusalem-Est, et le régime qui lui est
associé sont contraires au droit international, j’estime devoir
revenir sur un certain nombre de points.
2. Tout d’abord, et c’est là un élément capital,
l’édification du mur a entraîné, en violation du principe
fondamental du droit international interdisant l’acquisition de territoire
par la force, l’annexion de portions du territoire occupé par Israël,
puissance occupante. La Cour a confirmé que le territoire palestinien
était un territoire occupé; Israël n’est donc pas habilité
à y procéder à des actes de souveraineté ayant pour
effet de modifier ce statut de territoire occupé. L’occupation
revêt par définition un caractère temporaire et doit respecter
les intérêts de la population tout en satisfaisant les besoins
de la puissance occupante sur le plan militaire. De ce fait, tout ce qui
peut modifier son caractère, comme l’édification du mur,
est illicite...
B-Rosalyn Higgins.
1. Je souscris à l’avis de la Cour en ce qui concerne sa compétence
en l’espèce et j’estime que les paragraphes 14 à 42
répondent correctement aux divers arguments contraires présentés
sur ce point.
2. La question du pouvoir discrétionnaire et de l’opportunité
est beaucoup plus difficile à traiter. Bien qu’ayant en définitive
voté en faveur de la décision de rendre l’avis, j’estime
que les questions ne sont pas aussi clairement définies que la Cour le
dit. Il est évident (en particulier de par le libellé de
la demande d’avis consultatif soumise à la Cour), que ceux qui
sollicitent l’avis ont tenté d’assimiler l’avis concernant
le mur à celui que la Cour avait rendu à propos de la Namibie
(Conséquences juridiques pour les Etats de la présence continue
de l’Afrique du Sud en Namibie (Sud-Ouest africain) nonobstant la résolution 276
(1970) du Conseil de sécurité, ordonnance du 29 janvier 1971,
C.I.J. Recueil 1971, p. 12). Je pense qu’ils ont tort
pour plusieurs raisons. D’abord et avant tout, la Cour avait déjà
rendu, au moment où la demande d’avis a été soumise
en 1971 sur les conséquences juridiques de certains actes, divers
avis sur le Sud-Ouest africain qui indiquaient clairement les obligations juridiques
de l’Afrique du Sud (Statut international du Sud-Ouest africain, avis
consultatif, C.I.J. Recueil 1950, p. 128; Procédure de vote
applicable aux questions touchant les rapports et pétitions relatifs
au Territoire du Sud-Ouest africain, avis consultatif, C.I.J. Recueil 1955,
p. 67; Admissibilité de l’audition de pétitionnaires par
le Comité du Sud-Ouest africain, avis consultatif, C.I.J. Recueil 1956,
p. 23). En outre, toutes les obligations juridiques incombaient, en tant
que puissance mandataire, au Sud-Ouest africain. Il n’y avait pas
d’obligation juridique et encore moins d’obligations non honorées
qui, en 1971, s’imposaient également à l’Organisation
du peuple du Sud-Ouest africain (SWAPO), en tant que représentant du
peuple namibien...
Pieter H. Kooijmans.
HISTORIQUE ET CONTEXTE DE LA DEMANDE POUR AVIS CONSULTATIF
3. Au paragraphe 54 de son avis, la Cour fait observer (s’agissant de
l’opportunité judiciaire) qu’elle est consciente que la question
du mur fait partie d’un ensemble, mais que cela ne saurait justifier qu’elle
refuse de répondre à la question posée. Elle ajoute
qu’elle prendrait soigneusement en considération cette circonstance
dans tout avis qu’elle pourrait rendre. Je partage entièrement
l’opinion de la Cour telle qu’exposée dans ledit paragraphe,
y compris lorsqu’elle fait observer qu’elle ne tiendrait néanmoins
compte d’autres éléments que dans la mesure où ceux-ci
seraient nécessaires aux fins de l’examen de cette question.
4. A mon avis, la Cour pouvait et devait prêter attention dans son avis
de manière plus explicite au contexte général de la demande.
La situation en Palestine et dans la région constitue depuis plusieurs
décennies non seulement une menace à la paix et à la sécurité
internationales, mais aussi, sur le plan humain, une tragédie qui défie
l’entendement à bien des égards. Comment une société
comme la société palestinienne peut-elle vivre dans une situation et
s’y accoutumer où les victimes de la violence sont souvent
des hommes, des femmes et des enfants innocents ? Comment une société
comme la société israélienne peut-elle vivre dans une situation et
s’y accoutumer où les attaques contre un adversaire politique prennent
pour cibles, de manière indiscriminée, des civils innocents, hommes,
femmes et enfants ?...
|
ASSOCIATION FRANCE PALESTINE SOLIDARITÉ (Site officiel)
"Je demande la suspension de l’accord d’association avec Israël"
publié le vendredi 24 février 2006
Michel Teston, Sénateur, Président du Conseil général
d’Ardèche.
La campagne de pétition contre le Mur continue et elle gagne les élus
à tous les niveaux. Elle permet d’exprimer à la fois le
refus par la société française de ce monstrueux édifice,
mais aussi l’exigence d’exercer la pression nécessaire sur
le pouvoir israélien qui méprise complètement l’avis
de la CIJ qui en demande le démantèlement. Dernière en
date des prises de position de nombreux élus : celle du sénateur
Michel Teston, Président du Conseil général de l’Ardèche.
Sionisme et religion by Michel Warschawski (13 mai 2005)
À ses origines, le sionisme se veut être une alternative à
la religion. Ce mouvement se développe comme une autre façon d’être
juif et de traiter l’existence juive formellement, publiquement et consciemment
en opposition avec les conceptions religieuses. Le monde religieux, quant à
lui, réagit au sionisme d’une façon symétrique :
il voit dans ce mouvement un ennemi mortel. Au tournant du vingtième
siècle, quand le sionisme commence à prendre forme, il n’y
a quasiment pas de sionisme religieux : le sionisme est contre la religion
et la religion est contre le sionisme, point, avec une exception dont je parlerai
plus loin.
Pour le sionisme, la religion a fait du peuple juif une entité passive,
attendant son salut et son émancipation de la venue du messie. La venue
du messie permettrait le retour du peuple juif dans sa patrie historique, un
retour qui serait un retour dans le cadre d’un projet divin et pas dans
le cadre d’un projet politique conçu par des hommes, serait la
fin de la souffrance du peuple juif ; jusqu’à ce que Dieu
en décide autrement, aux juifs d’assumer la diaspora, la punition
que représente l’exil.
Le sionisme est un des deux courants - et je le dis tout de suite, un courant
ultra-minoritaire, quasiment marginal - qui pensent la question juive dans des
termes de modernité et dans les termes d’un combat politique. L’immense
majorité des réponses non religieuses voire antireligieuses, se
trouve dans le mouvement ouvrier, en premier lieu le Bund, qui portent un projet
émancipateur des juifs dans le cadre d’une révolution en
commun avec les autres. Un débat de fond divise les tenants des réponses
socialistes à la question juive entre, d’une part, ceux qui voient
une dimension nationale à l’existence juive en Europe de l’Est
(j’insiste en Europe de l’Est), qui affirment l’émergence
d’une nation juive, d’une nationalité juive avec une langue,
avec une culture, avec des classes sociales et, d’autre part, ceux qui
ne voient dans le judaïsme qu’une religion et voient donc l’émancipation
juive dans l’assimilation, c’est-à-dire dans la disparition
de l’existence juive elle-même. C’est le grand débat
dans la social-démocratie russe, entre Lénine et le Bund, pour
ceux que cela intéresse...
The
toxicity of international silence by James Brooks
"On June 10th, 2004, the two clinics in Al-Zawiya treated 130 patients
for gas inhalation. The patients were children, women, old people and young
men. Dr. Abu Madi related that there was a high number of cases of [tetany],
spasm in legs and hands, connected to the nervous system. Pupils were dilated...
Other symptoms included shock, semi-consciousness, hyperventilation, irritation
and sweating." [1]
Thus reads a report by medical units serving the West Bank village of Al-Zawiya,
where nonviolent resistance to Israel's impending wall has been extraordinarily
resolute. According to the medical report (procured by the International Middle
East Media Center - IMEMC), "the gas used against the protestors is not
tear gas but possibly a nerve gas."...
The Israeli Poison Gas Attacks of 2001, report by James Brooks
NEW: Overview: Israel's Use of Chemical Weapons
Israel's development and deployment of chemical weapons in a multi-page web
report. Includes photos, links to video evidence, and a chronology of relevant
events since 1974.
The Israeli Poison Gas Attacks of 2001: A Preliminary Investigation
- revised full report -
Additional Documents: Symptoms - Timeline - Characteristics
Send Hans Blix to Nes Ziona: Civilians Attacked With Poison Gas
- summary article, February 13, 2003 -
Chemical Warfare on the West Bank? How Israel "Disperses" Demonstrations
- Electronic Intifada, July 12, 2004 -
Video: Peaceful Demonstrators Gassed at Az Zawiya (broadband, 7.8 MB)
- International Women's Peace Service video of anti-wall demonstrations outside
Az Zawiya, West Bank, June 10 and 11, 2004. First half of this video records
the gas attack of June 10, further reported in Chemical Warfare on the West
Bank? How Israel "Disperses" Demonstrations (Video is in Windows MovieMaker
format - .wmv. Mac users may be able to view with Windows Media Player 7.1 for
Mac or similar software.)
Gaza Strip by James Longley
"GAZA STRIP (map with filming locations) was filmed during the first four
months of 2001, a period that covers the election of Israeli prime minister
Ariel Sharon and extends to the first major armed incursion into "Area
A" by the Israeli military. It was my first trip to the Middle East; all
of my previous international filmmaking experience took place in Russia. The
idea to make a documentary about Palestinians inside the Gaza Strip was mainly
a reaction to what I perceived as a lack of good media coverage of that area:
it was difficult for me to find intimate material of the Palestinian struggle
in the mainstream US media. More than anything, it was a desire to satisfy my
own curiosity about what was really taking place inside the Occupied Territories
that induced me to take matters into my own hands and produce the project...
Israeli Occupying Forces Use Chemical Weapons Against Palestinian Demonstrators
GAZA, June 13, 2004 (IPC + Arab48)-- Official and public sources in the
West Bank town of Al-Zawya, which has been witnessing large-scale confrontations
between the citizens and the Israeli occupying forces (IOF) over the town's
lands, asserted that those who have inhaled the tear gas IOF troops fired at
them four days ago are still suffering from the effects of the gas.
The sources added that a number of those citizens have already had amnesias
or partial memory loss, in addition to cramps.
Amir Shuqair, the coordinator of Fateh movement in the town of Al Zawya,
told Arab48 website that a number of wounded citizens have actually completely
or partially lost their memory , including Hamda Oda, 65, Mofeeda Abu Zer, 42,
Ramzi Mouwaqeda, 23 and Atef Shuqair, 43, pointing out that other citizens are
still going through tests...
This damned
racist wall by Omar Karmi
FOR RESIDENTS of Jerusalem, the week was dominated by the start of construction
of a concrete wall which will split the neighborhoods of Dahiet Al Barid and
Al Ram down the middle and off from Jerusalem, leaving an estimated 80,000 residents
isolated from Jerusalem...
The
Wall by VTJP
The Wall around Qalqiliya. A twenty-five foot high concrete cage cuts residents
off from their agricultural land, necessary for their survival, and prevents
you from traveling even 5 minutes out of the City. A single gate, open at the
whims of the occupying army, controls 100,000 residents.
Israel's Separation Barrier, dubbed the "Apartheid Wall" or "Berlin
Wall" by Palestinians, has increasingly attracted international media attention,
largely due to the hard-to-ignore scale of the project.
The most obvious historical parallel to the barrier is the Berlin Wall, which
was 96 miles long (155 kilometers). Israel's barrier, still under construction,
is expected to reach at least 403 miles in length (650 kilometers). The average
height of the Berlin Wall was 11.8 feet (3.6 metres), compared with the maximum*
current height of Israel's Wall -- 25 feet (8 metres).
L'OTAN
à la conquête de l'Est by Gilbert Achcar, Le Monde Diplomatique
(01/2003)
Le contraste entre le dernier sommet de l’Organisation du traité
de l’Atlantique nord (OTAN), qui s’est tenu à Prague les
21 et 22 novembre 2002, et celui du cinquantenaire de l’Alliance réuni
à Washington les 23 et 24 avril 1999 est saisissant. Le sommet de Washington
se tenait au moment où les forces de l’OTAN semblaient s’embourber,
autour du Kosovo, dans la première guerre de moyenne envergure menée
par l’organisation depuis sa fondation. La tension dans les rapports entre
l’Alliance et la Russie était à son plus haut point depuis
la disparition de l’Union soviétique, et nourrissait la polémique
au sein de l’establishment américain au sujet de la politique occidentale
envers Moscou.
La décision du sommet de Madrid, en juillet 1997, d’entériner
le principe de l’adhésion de la Pologne, de la Hongrie et de la
République tchèque à l’OTAN avait exacerbé
le débat : ceux qui avaient mis en garde contre le danger de mesures
interprétées à Moscou comme des actes de défiance,
sinon d’ostracisme, pouvaient voir dans le raidissement russe à
propos du Kosovo la confirmation de leurs avertissements. Cela se traduisit
par le fait que le sommet de Washington, qui avait célébré
l’aboutissement de la procédure d’adhésion des trois
pays membres de l’ex-pacte de Varsovie, n’avait pas lancé
de nouvelle procédure, malgré les exhortations de personnalités
hostiles à la Russie comme M. Zbigniew Brzezinski.
Les attentats du 11 septembre 2001 changèrent la donne sous deux aspects
fondamentaux. Ils fournirent d’abord à la nouvelle administration
de M. George W. Bush une légitimation idéologique inespérée
pour le renouveau d’un interventionnisme armé débridé,
que les Etats-Unis n’avaient plus pratiqué depuis le Vietnam...
|
Soutien de linked222 aux nouveaux historiens et critique des oppositions
sionistes
Appels aux
sanctions, au boycott et au désinvestissement contre Israel
by Al Mubadara/ (Initiative Nationale palestinienne) & Ilan Pappé
(15/07/2005) (suivi de sa conférence à Genève, 4/06/2005)
Un an après l’avis de la CIJ, Sharon continue à traiter
le droit et les instances internationaux par le mépris. Les colonies
et le mur s’étendent. De nombreuses voix,les églises, la
société civile palestinienne ou des opposants israéliens
à la colonisation comme Ilan Pappé, s’élèvent
de par le monde pour demander des sanctions contre Israël.
La société civile palestinienne appelle au boycott, aux sanctions
et au désinvestissement contre Israel jusqu’à ce qu’il
applique le Droit international et les Principes universels des Droits de l’Homme.
Un an après l’avis consultatif historique de la Cour Internationale
de Justice (CIJ) qui a jugé illégal le mur qu’Israel construit
sur le territoire palestinien occupé, Israel continue sa construction
du mur colonial au mépris total de la décision de la Cour.
Après trente huit ans d’occuparion par Israel de la Cisjordanie
palestinienne (y compris Jérusalem-Est), de la Bande de Gaza et des Hauteurs
du Golan syrien, Israel continue à accroître les colonies juives.
Il a unilatéralement annexé Jérusalem-Est Occupée
et les Hauteurs du Golan et annexe maintenant de facto de grandes parties de
la Cisjordanie à l’aide du mur. Israel prépare également,
dans l’ombre, son redéploiement prévu de la bande de Gaza
- pour établir et accroître des colonies en Cisjordanie.
Cinquante sept ans après que l’Etat d’Israel a été
établi principalement sur la terre éthniquement nettoyée
de ses propriétaires palestiniens, une majorité de Palestiniens
sont des réfugiés, dont la plupart sont apatrides...
Ilan Pappe : there
is no peace movement in Israel (CMAQ, 14/07/2005)
Ilan Pappe, an Israeli historian, denounces that Palestinians are the victims
of ab ethnic cleansing and that they are now more than ever in danger. Thus,
he calls to the world solidarity movements to boycott Israeli universities which
he considers as an official propaganda engine in the hands of Israel’s
governement. Silvia Cattori
I think that there is a game in Israel-Palestine: the charade of peace. But
what it really means is that again these politicians on both sides meet in beautiful
hotels, with diplomats from all around the world to discuss nothing, just chatting.
And you see very important words such as peace process, evacuation, disengagement,
the end of occupation, creation of a Palestinian state. This is the "peace
industry" as Chomsky said. And on the field, nothing is happening…
But, all around, there is no partner to the chattering and futile exercise of
diplomacy that the diplomats and politicians on both sides....
Ilan Pappé : Il n'y a pas de mouvements de paix en Israel" by
Ilan Pappé (juscogens, 4/06/2005)
Mechanism
of Denial, Justin Podur interviews Ilan Pappé (14/06/2005)
Ilan Pappe is a professor of History at Haifa University in Israel. He is an
activist for Palestinian rights. He was in Toronto in February to give the keynote
speech at ‘Israeli Apartheid Week’ at the University of Toronto.
He was interviewed by Justin Podur on telephone, February 5, 2005.
Podur : In your book, A History of Modern Palestine (Cambridge 2004) you
use what you identify as a humanist approach. You contrast the humanist version
of history with the different nationalist versions of history that exist. What's
the difference and why does it matter ?
Pappe : The official histories of Israel and Palestine have been loyal
either to the Zionist narrative or to the Palestinian nationalist perspective.
This is a view from the top : generals, politicians, elites. This history
doesn't deal with the majority, the majority of the people who are not part
of this political and military game. But when you try to approach history from
the perspective of the majority, the excluded, you see this political game in
a different light. You see how manipulative and deliberately deceptive political
elites can be. You see the conflict is not the natural result of some collision
of peoples, but the result of deliberate human engineering and policy. If you
can really understand the past, as I try to, if you can look at it honestly,
that's the only solid basis for trying to build a future...
Pr.Ilan Pappé dit aux Britanniques : "si vous abrogez le boycott
contre Israel vous perdrez votre place dans l'histoire" by Ilan Pappé/
Omer Carmon (AAD-Arabs
Against Discrimination, 24/05/2005)
Pappe : « Rejoignez la lutte contre la discrimination raciale »
L'Historien Ilan Pappe, également professeur à l'Université
de Haïfa, poursuit ses efforts visant à faire pression sur l'Association
Britannique d'Enseignants d'Université (AUT) pour ne pas abroger le boycott
académique qu'elle avait imposé contre les Universités
de Haïfa et de Bar Ilan.
« Si vous ratifiez cette décision, vous aurez votre place
dans l'histoire, au même titre que les ONG qui ont boycotté l'ex-régime
de discrimination raciale en Afrique du Sud », a-t-il écrit
dans un article publié aujourd'hui dans le journal britannique « The
Guardian ».
Le Pr. Pappe fait face aux critiques de 21 Prix Nobel qui ont signé une
pétition appelant l'AUT à abroger le boycott décrété.
Ces derniers s'opposent à la décision du boycott qu'ils jugent
« absolument répréhensible ».
Les deux camps de professeurs universitaires, les « pour »
et les « contre », se préparent pour la prochaine
réunion de l'AUT prévue pour après demain. Dans les prochaines
24 heures, on s'attend à la publication de pétitions des deux
côtés rassemblant des signatures de dizaines de milliers d'opposants
et de favorables...
L'Université Bar-Ilan crée un site internet dans le but de mobiliser
des opposants au boycott by Tamara Traubman (AAD,12/05/2005)
L'Université Bar-Ilan vient de créer un nouveau site Internet
dans le but de mobiliser des académiciens opposés au boycott qui
lui a été imposé ainsi qu'à l'Université
de Haïfa par l'Union des professeurs d'universités de Grande-Bretagne.
Les deux universités ont récemment accentué leurs pressions
sur l'Union britannique en prévision du congrès extraordinaire
qu'elle organisera dans deux semaines pour discuter à nouveau du boycott,
suite à une demande officielle de plus de 25 de ses membres. Selon les
règles de l'Union, une telle procédure permet de réexaminer
ses décisions.
Le professeur Yossef Yashoron, président de l'Université de Bar-Ilan,
a ainsi appelé par le biais du site Internet les universitaires d'Israël
et de l'étranger à rejoindre la nouvelle union qu'il a créée
sous le nom de « Conseil mondial pour la liberté académique
de l'Université Bar-Ilan »...
L'Université
d'Haïfa menace d'intenter un procès contre l'Union des professeurs
d'universités de Grande-Bretagne by Tamara Traubman (AAD.11/05/2005)
L'Université de Haïfa a envoyé hier une lettre d'avertissement
à l'Union des professeurs d'universités de Grande-Bretagne, et
cela avant d'intenter un procès en diffamation contre elle. L'Union,
qui a décidé de boycotter certaines universités israéliennes,
avait fait l'objet de critiques sévères suite à cette décision.
Son Conseil va tenir une séance spéciale pour discuter de cette
décision, suite aux pressions des professeurs qui sont opposés
au boycott.
Notons que les membres de l'Union avaient décidé de boycotter
l'Université de Haïfa il y a environ un mois, en prétendant
qu'elle ne respectait pas la liberté académique des membres du
Conseil d'établissement et qu'elle humiliait ceux qui avaient une opinion
critique, comme l'historien du post-sionisme Ilan Pappe. Quant à l'Université
de Bar-Ilan, elle a été boycottée pour sanctionner sa coopération
avec la Faculté de Judée-Samarie située dans la colonie
d'Ariel...
Ilan Pappé on boycotting Israel by the arabist Network ( 21/04/2005)
There have been some interesting debates recently on whether the university
boycott of Israel would be productive or not. Although I am generally in favor
of boycotting Israel on the same grounds as I would have supported boycotting
South Africa during Apartheid, an intellectual boycott poses more complicated
problems than merely not buying Israeli wine or technology. Ilan Pappe, noted
Israeli scholar from the university of Haifa, has an article in the Guardian
urging both types:
I appeal to you today to be part of a historical movement and moment that may
bring an end to more than a century of colonisation, occupation and dispossession
of Palestinians. I appeal to you as an Israeli Jew, who for years wished, and
looked, for other ways to bring an end to the evil perpetrated against the Palestinians
in the occupied territories, inside Israel and in the refugee camps. I devoted
all my adult life, with others, creating a substantial peace movement inside
Israel, in which, so we hoped, academia will play a leading role. But after
37 years of endless brutal and callous oppression of the people of the West
Bank and the Gaza Strip and after 57 years of colonisation and dispossession
of the Palestinians as a whole, I think this hope is unrealistic and other means
have to be looked at to end a conflict that endangers peace in the world at
large.
I’m not convinced about the inherent value of this type of intellectual
boycott — university professors are the type of opinion-makers one might
want to engage rather than isolate. But I applaud his call for a more general
trade boycott of Israel...
Israeli jewish myths and the project of american war, interview of Ilan Pappé
by Greg Dropkin
I think there are 3 main myths that inform mainstream Israeli Jewish society.
A lot of them still believe, because that’s the way they have been educated,
that Palestine had been empty when the Jewish settlers came there in the late
19th century. There is still a feeling there that basically the Palestinian
inhabitants of Palestine are either a nuisance or newcomers, or irrelevant.
They are an obstacle, but not people with rights or indigenous rights.
The second myth is more directly connected to 1948. Most Israeli Jews believe
that the Palestinians left voluntarily in 1948. They are not aware, or do not
want to be aware of the fact that an ethnic cleansing took place in 1948.
And the third myth concerns the Occupation. Very few Israelis would call it
an Occupation at all. Very few relate to any of the Palestinian demands to end
the Occupation, and most Israeli Jews would regard the war against them not
as a war of liberation or a war against Occupation, but as part of the more
general scheme by Arabs or Muslims in general to destroy the Jewish State...
Les options politiques israéliennes après le vote du Likoud
by Ilan Pappé
Des obstacles aux alliances entre la gauche israélienne et les Palestiniens
d’Israël
À la gauche du Parti travailliste existent deux blocs politiques qui,
au cours des cinq dernières années, ont été complètement
exclus du moindre rôle significatif dans le jeu politique. Ils pourraient
s’avérer pertinents dans un futur éloigné si l’équilibre
régional ou global du pouvoir forçait Israël à changer
de politique. L’un de ces blocs est une coalition récemment constituée,
« Yahad » (Ensemble), formée d’anciens mini-partis
vétérans, connus généralement sous le nom de camp
israélien de la paix. Chacun de ces groupes appelle, à sa manière,
à la fin de l’occupation en Cisjordanie et dans la bande de Gaza
et à la formation d’un État palestinien. Le groupe Yahad,
qui est derrière les Accords de Genève, représente une
part insignifiante du vote juif aux élections israéliennes.
La capacité du Yahad à exercer une influence sur la future scène
politique dépend d’une alliance avec les Palestiniens d’Israël,
qui représentent presque 20% de la population. Cette alliance est impossible
pour plusieurs raisons. D’abord, au sein du bloc de la gauche sioniste
existent des éléments qui hésitent toujours à légitimer
pleinement une participation palestinienne à la politique israélienne
en matière de défense et de relations extérieures...
Searching Jenin by Ilan Pappé
Over a year has passed now, since the Israeli army invaded the refugee camp
in Jenin, destroyed its houses, killed many of its inhabitants and committed
one of the worst war crimes in this present Intifada, Intifada al-Aqsa. With
a successful campaign of distortion and manipulation of evidence, the Israeli
foreign ministry, with the help of the United States, succeeded in hiding from
the world the horrors of Jenin, and even worse, in intimidating anyone daring
to tell the truth about what had happened there.
This is the great significance and enormous importance of this book. "Searching
Jenin" is the first systematic account, through eyewitness reports, on
the events in April 2002...
As
long as the plan contains the magic term 'withdrawal', it is seen as a good
thing by Ilan Pappé (2004)
On television, Benny Morris of Ben Gurion University repeated his support for
the ethnic cleansing of the Palestinians, claiming this as the best means of
solving the conflict in Palestine. The New York Times and the New Republic were
among the many stages on which Morris was invited to rehearse his views...
L'université
Israélienne contre la liberté de penser (Ilan Pappé
- Tivon / Israel, Amaya el Bacha, Multitudes)
La bulle de Genève
by Ilan Pappé (8/1/04)
In May 1947, the Agency handed a plan, complete with a map, to the UN Special
Committee on Palestine (UNSCOP), proposing the creation of a Jewish state over
80 per cent of Palestine - more or less Israel today without the Occupied Territories.
In November 1947 the Committee reduced the Jewish state to 55 per cent of Palestine,
and turned the plan into UN General Assembly Resolution 181. Its rejection by
Palestine surprised no one - the Palestinians had been opposed to partition
since 1918. Zionist endorsement of it was a foregone conclusion, and in the
eyes of the international policemen, that was a solid enough basis for peace
in the Holy Land. Imposing the will of one side on the other was hardly the
way to effect a reconciliation, and the resolution triggered violence on a scale
unprecedented in the history of modern Palestine...
An
interview of Ilan Pappe by Baudoin Loos (Brussels, 29.11.99)
Q: With people like Benny Morris, Avi Shlaim, Tom Segev, Simha Flappan and others,
you are a prominent (and the most controversial) member of the school of "new
historians" in Israel. Could you summerize the major trends of the contribution
of the new Israeli historians to the Israeli narrative?
A: It is an intellectual movement that started ten years ago, not only of historians,
but also of people who deal with culture, academicians, journalists, artists,
novelists, etc, who looked critically at Israel's past. I would say they adopted
major chapters in the Palestinian interpretation, narrivative, of the past.
The particular aspect of the historians' work is that they did it with the help
of archives and with their professional expertise, and that added a certain
validity in the eyes of the public to these interpretations. Because, in the
past, you could have heard the same arguments made by Palestinians or by very
extreme Israeli leftists, but this time the very same things were substantiated
by historic research works.
There are several topics that those new academics, intellectuals, researchers
dealt with. The major chapter in 1948. It's what they are known for. They undermined
some of the major foundation's myths of Israel.
First, they didnt' accept that there was a war between a Jewish David and an
Arab Goliath. "The few against the many". They claimed there was a
parity on the battlefields and even, as the war progressed, there was an advantage
to the Jewish and then Israeli forces. Additionally, they found out that the
most efficient Arab army -- the Jordanian Army -- had a secret agreement with
the Jews/Israelis prior to the war. "Collusion across the Jordan",
as Avi Shlaim put it (the title of his famous book). That understanding -- a
division of Palestine between the Jordanians and the Jews, instead of between
the Jews and the Palestinians -- to a large extent determined the fate of the
war...
Biography of Ilan Pappé (Palestine : information with provenence)
Israel Jewish Myths
and the Prospect of American War by Ilan Pappé & Greg Dropkin
(Pertier, 11/9/02)
Produced by Joseph Cooper, interview by Greg Dropkin. A 45 min Interview with
leading Israel academic and "New Historian" videoed in Manchester
in September 2002. A Pertier Media Production commissioned by Liverpool Friends
of Palestine.
The 48 Nakba & The Zionist Quest for Its Completion by Ilan Pappé
(Between the Lines, 10/02)
I have come here to present the comprehensive story of the history of the expulsion
and ethnic cleansing of the Palestinians in 1948 and its relevance to the present
and future agenda to peace in Palestine.
For Israelis, 1948 is a year in which two things happened which contradict each
other: On the one hand, it was the climax of Jewish aspirations to have a state
or to fulfill a long dream of returning to a homeland after what they regarded
as 2000 years of exile. In other words, it was considered a miraculous event
that only positive adjectives could be attached to, and that you could only
talk about and remember as a very elated kind of event. On the other hand, it
was the worst chapter in Jewish history. Jews did in 1948 in Palestine what
Jews had not done anywhere for 2000 years prior. The most evil and most glorious
moment converged into one. What Israeli collective memory did was to erase one
side of the story in order to co-exist or to live with only the glorious chapter.
It was a mechanism for solving an impossible tension between two collective
memories...
The
Dean, The President and the Historiography of 1948 Palestines (Counterpunch,
24/5/03)
As in the past, I ask you to express your indignation and protest and react
in any way you deem appropriate, not for my sake, but for the sake of all those
who are victimized by the present trends and ideologies in the state of Israel:
the Palestinians under occupation, the minority within the country, and the
few dissenting voices inside the Jewish society. Such a voice, in the end of
the day, will be a valuable contribution to peace and reconciliation in the
Middle East...
Reponse to Benny Morris "politics by other means" in the New republic
by Ilan Pappé (The Electronic Intifada, 30/3/04)
Benny Morris tells his readers in the New Republic that he and I walked a stretch
of road together as 'revisionist historians'. This is how an article begins
with a factual mistake; an article which is meant to show that my works are
a fabrication. This is a falsification of history as I could not be a partner
to a person who had already in 1988 held views I found morally unacceptable.
I was privy to the views he only aired later on, already in our first meeting
back in the late 1980s. I was fully aware — as he seemed to trust me —
of his abominable racist views about the Arabs in general and the Palestinians
in particular. Unlike others, I did not feel that his good qualities as a chronologist
which came out in his most famous book, The Birth of the Palestinian Refugee
Problem (Cambridge 1987) — he was never a proper historian — and
especially his invaluable contribution in aggregating data for us on the 1948
ethnic cleansing — made up for his bigotry and narrow—mindedness...
Politics by other means by Benny Mooris (The New Republic, 17/03/04, opposition
sioniste)
lan Pappe and I walked a stretch together in uneasy companionship, but we have
now parted ways. In the late 1980s and early 1990s we belonged to a group dubbed
the "New Historians" of Israel, which also included Avi Shlaim and
Tom Segev. This group, contrary to the conspiratorial image projected by our
critics, was never a close-knit or monolithic school of intellectuals who plotted
together around the table at Friday-night meals. Some of us barely knew one
another. Each, in different institutions and different cities and different
countries (indeed, only Pappe was on the faculty of an Israeli university),
had plied his craft alone and reached his conclusions on his own. But we had
all written histories focusing on Israel and Palestine in the 1940s, and they
had all appeared, mostly in English, in the late 1980s, and taken together they
had shaken the Zionist historiographic establishment and permanently undermined
the traditional Zionist narrative of the Israeli-Arab conflict....
|
"Ilan Pappé... Le Monde, imposture scientifique militante !"
by Salomon Pardess (opposition sioniste, Metula News Agency-Israel "l'affaire
Katz -Pappé", 10/06/ 2002)
Sans règles il n’est pas de rigueur. Sans rigueur il n’est
pas de science. Sans science il n’est pas de progrès et ceux qui
pervertissent l’universalité des règles afin de servir un
argument politique, n’importe quel argument politique, ne sont pas des
personnes honnêtes et dignes de respect. (Yossi Goldberg en 1995, ancien
maire de Métula durant 20 ans, ancien député, décédé
samedi dernier)
Peut-on imaginer homme plus heureux que Ilan Pappé ? Jugez-en plutôt.
Voilà un homme qui joue sur du velours, du fait de l’ambiguïté
avec laquelle Elie Barnavi s’est immiscé dans le débat sur
ce que j’ai appelé (dans mon info 012905/2) « l’affaire
Katz-Pappé », puisque Barnavi est tout à la fois ambassadeur
et historien et qu’il a beau avoir signé son article (dans Le Monde
du 4 juin 2002) de sa plume d’ambassadeur, on ne peut s’empêcher
de penser que c’est aussi comme historien qu’il se porte caution
du Département « Histoire » de l’Université
d’Haïfa. Ah ! Ce mal rongeur de l’homme politique qui consiste
à être juge et partie au moment même où il faut prendre
une décision sur une affaire scientifique !
Du même coup, cet historien – Ilan Pappé- se croit autorisé
à s’ériger (dans son article Telle est l’affaire Katz,
paru dans le même quotidien deux jours plus tard) en cette quadruple figure
à laquelle cet ange tyrannique que fut notre Saint-Just national n’avait
pas songé : celle d’un homme qui, fort de son savoir scientifique,
peut mettre au banc des accusés l’Etat qui finance ses recherches...
Post-Zionist Takeover ? by David Weinberg (The Jerusalem Post, 5/09/99 opposition à la nouvelle
histoire)
For more than a decade, a group of self-styled Israeli "new historians"
has been ruinously deconstructing some of this country's most cherished founding
"myths," questioning the justness of Israeli actions back in 1948,
even the legitimacy of Israel itself. Now, it seems, the roaring scholarly debate
is seeping dangerously into our children's classrooms, draining into the halls
of justice, and oozing corrosively into the corridors of major political decision-making...
Quietly passed over this summer with barely a murmur of dissent was the introduction
of new history textbooks in our high schools that undermine the moral case for
Zionism. The New York Times noticed; the Israeli press was apparently asleep.
The textbooks suggest Israeli responsibility for the Palestinian refugee problem
and raise questions about the assertion that Arab intransigence is responsible
for the 50-year-long festering of the Arab-Israeli conflict...
It's time to reign in the "distortiographers" and over-zealous human
rights crusaders at the Justice and Education ministries. Otherwise, we'll all
become ideologically-bereft Swiss neutrals, sheepish about our national rights
in the Land of Israel and embarrassed by the ongoing, courageous effort to defend
them...
Israel's
Occupation Turns 35
by Avi Shlaim (ZNetmag, Mideast, 19/06/2002, nouvelle histoire)
In the US-led peace negotiations of the last few years, there has been an insistent
denial that the past has, or should have, any bearing on the present. What do
you, as an historian, think of the prospects of negotiations which declare that
the past is off limits?
Americans in positions of power, like the American public, don't know history.
One of my American students in a discussion of this conflict said, "This
is past history." As if history could be anything other than past. But
his point was: "Let's talk about the here and now, and not what happened
in the past." Not knowing history, Americans cannot make any sense of the
situation in the Middle East.
Edward Said has pointed out that [the 1993 Oslo agreement] only addresses the
problems and issues raised by the Israeli victory of 1967. It doesn't touch
the root of the problem, which is what happened in 1948, or the rights of the
original refugees. Now, other Americans don't want to raise the problems raised
in 1967, let alone the problems going back to 1948...
America must see that Sharon is the problem
by Avi Shlaim (The Palestine Monitor/The Observer, 14/04/2002)
Sharon is holding Arafat hostage in his headquarters in Ramallah, depriving
him of food, water, medicines and telephone lines. The only concession that
the American President has managed to extract from the truculent Israeli Prime
Minister is a promise not to kill the Palestinian leader. The Israelis have
destroyed much of Arafat's police force and security services, leaving him with
a mobile phone. Under these conditions the embattled Palestinian leader does
not have the means to prevent suicide attacks even if he had the will to do
so...
Liberation' is not freedom Iraqis mistrut the intentions of the west,
and a history of failures supports their attitude
(Globalaware/The London Observer,30/03/2003)
The fierce resistance that British and American troops have encountered must
have come as a very unpleasant surprise to Tony Blair and George Bush. They
assumed Saddam Hussein was so unpopular and isolated that the Iraqi people would
welcome the troops as liberators and help them to overthrow his regime.
But the popular uprising has not materialised. However much they detest Saddam's
regime, a great many Iraqis view the coalition forces as invaders rather than
liberators. Our leaders gravely underestimated the force of Iraqi nationalism.
Israel's Self-Defeating Policy of Oppression
by Avi Shlaim (George Mason University, 24/11/2003)
In 1923 Ze'ev Jabotinsky, the founder of Revisionist Zionism, published an article
entitled "On the Iron Wall." He argued that Arab nationalists were
bound to oppose the establishment of a Jewish state in Palestine. Consequently,
a voluntary agreement between the two sides was unattainable. The only way to
realize the Zionist project was behind an iron wall of Jewish military strength.
In other words, the Zionist project could only be implemented unilaterally and
by military force...
Two peoples and a single land
by Avi Shlaim (The Observer/Guardian, 18/01/2004)
The real problem is that there are two nations and only one land. It follows,
as the Peel commission of inquiry recognised back in 1937, that the only solution
is partition. The Palestinians are not a nation of fanatics wedded to violence
but a normal people with a natural hankering for freedom and independence. Israel's
occupation of the West Bank and the Gaza Strip in June 1967 was a catastrophe
for all concerned, not least for Israel itself. For the past 36 years, the Palestinians
have been chafing under the yoke of Israel's heavy-handed occupation. Having
lost 78 per cent of mandatory Palestine in 1948, they gradually scaled down
their aspirations to a state of their own over the remaining 22 per cent alongside
Israel, not in place of Israel...
Israel-Palestine : a "third"way (a citizenship based not on a race or
religion but on equal justice for each person guaranteed by a constitution)
by Edward Saïd (Le Monde Diplomatique, sept 1998)
Israel is neither South Africa, nor Algeria, nor Vietnam. Whether we like it
or not, the Jews are not ordinary colonialists. Yes, they suffered the holocaust,
and yes, they are the victims of anti-Semitism. But no, they cannot use those
facts to continue, or initiate, the dispossession of another people that bears
no responsibility for either of those prior facts. I have been saying for twenty
years that we have no military option, and are not likely to have one anytime
soon. And neither does Israel have a real military option. Despite their enormous
power, Israelis have not succeeded in achieving either the acceptance or the
security they crave. On the other hand, not all Israelis are the same, and whatever
happens, we must learn to live with them in some form, preferably justly, rather
than unjustly...
The Political Legacy of Edward Saïd
by Irene Gendzier (The Palestine Chronicle, 21.12.03)
n the fall of 2002, before the U.S. led the invasion of Iraq, the Israeli newspaper
Ha'aretz ran an article by Akiva Eldar on a meeting held in Washington for some
members of the Pentagon. The host was Richard Perle, then Chair of the U.S.
Defense Policy Board. The sponsor was an unnamed think tank. The subject was
the future shape of the Middle East. The slide show depicted "Iraq: a tactical
goal, Saudi Arabia: a strategic goal," as well as describing "Palestine
is Israel, Jordan is Palestine, and Iraq is the Hashemite Kingdom."...
The Edward Saïd Archive
Remember the solidarity shown to Palestine here and everywhere... and remember
also that there is a cause to which many people have committed themselves, difficulties
and terrible obstacles notwithstanding. Why? Because it is a just cause, a noble
ideal, a moral quest for equality and human rights."
--Prof. Edward W. Said (1935-2003)
For
a Shared Jerusalem 1948-1998 by Rashid Khalidi
Rashid
Khalidi discusses the Hamas terrorist organization (2003)
MICHELE NORRIS, host:
It's been an awful week in the Middle East. A cycle of attacks and counterattacks
has left dozens dead. That on the heels of President Bush's summit last week
in Jordan, an event many hoped would breathe new life into the peace process.
Yesterday, the White House blamed the breakdown in progress squarely on one
camp. `The issue is not Israel. The issue is not the Palestinian Authority,'
said spokesman Ari Fleischer. `The issue,' he said, `is Hamas.' Hamas is officially
labeled a foreign terrorist organization by the State Department, but the group
remains popular among many Palestinians who say they rely upon the schools,
hospitals and other public works that Hamas runs. To find out more about Hamas,
we called on Professor Rashid Khalidi at the University of Chicago.
Professor RASHID KHALIDI (University of Chicago): Hamas was founded in 1987.
It is rooted in a group called the Muslim Brotherhood. Its stated goal is the
establishment of an Islamic state in the entirety of Palestine, so replacing
Israel. And its day-to-day objective is the occupation and settlement process
that is engulfing more and more of the West Bank and the Gaza Strip...
Open Tent Conference on Israeli-Palestinian crisis
by News & Letters (2001)
Dr. Mahmood Ibrahim, a Palestinian historian who teaches at Cal Poly Pomona,
argued that a fundamental defect of Ehud Barak's offer to the Palestinians was
that it did not offer them the entirety of the West Bank and Gaza. Barak's offer
would have still allowed Israel to hold onto its settlements, West Bank communities
surrounding Jerusalem, roads, army bases and nature preserves. This violated
the very idea of a viable Palestinian state free of Israel's army presence.
Dr. Rashid Khalidi, director of the Center for International Studies at the
University of Chicago and author of the book, PALESTINIAN IDENTITY, reaffirmed
these problems. He argued that the Oslo agreement as well as Camp David II failed
because they did not address three "pre-requisites": 1) The acceptance
of U.N. Resolutions 242, 181, and 194 which signify the principles of land for
peace as well as compensation for refugees; 2) The recognition that both peoples
have the right to self-determination and independence; 3) The acceptance of
the pre-June 4, 1967 border as the only mutually acceptable basis for partition...
Documents & Material by Rashid Khalidi
Israël, l'Irak
et les Etats-Unis by Edward Saïd (2002)
Selon moi, l'année 1982 a convaincu la population arabe que non seulement
Israël était capable d'utiliser les armes les plus sophistiquées
(avions, missiles, tanks et hélicoptères) pour attaquer des civils,
mais aussi que ni les Etats-Unis ni les autres gouvernements arabes ne lèveraient
le petit doigt afin de mettre un terme à ces pratiques, même si
elles allaient jusqu'à prendre pour cible des dirigeants et des capitales
arabes1. Ainsi s'acheva la première tentative de l'époque contemporaine,
à échelle réelle, d'un Etat souverain du Moyen-Orient de
changer militairement le régime d'un autre Etat souverain.
What Edward Said by James Heartfield (2003)
In 1996 Kenan Malik took issue with the intellectual framework of Orientalism
in his book, The Meaning of Race. Malik explained that Said had conflated the
thinking of the Enlightenment, which took universal humanity as its starting
point, with that of the Romantic reaction against Enlightenment, which emphasised
racial differences. Said's citing of French thinkers like Ernest Renan, whose
scientific pretensions seemed to situate them in the Enlightenment tradition,
only clouded the issue. Renan was a part of the conservative backlash to Enlightenment
universalism that retreated from the premise of equality. Compelling as Said's
Orientalism was, it helped to form the postmodernist prejudice that all rational
thinking was implicitly racist.
Furthermore, Said's concept of the Other, that underlay his analysis of 'orientalism',
was derived from the reaction against reason, specifically in the works of the
existentialist philosophers Simone de Beauvoir and Jean-Paul Sartre. As in the
sphere of practical politics, Said later turned against the project he helped
to initiate, this time denouncing the celebration of cultural difference in
postmodernism: 'tub-thumping about the glories of "our" culture or
"our" history is not worthy of the intellectual's energy.' ...
··· Dissidence, exil et approche marxiste du judaïsme
:
Border-line, entretien avec
Michel Warschawsky by I.St Saens, M.Chollet (2002) 
Sur la frontière,
entretien avec M.Warschawsky by Iaia Vantaggiato (2004) 
Imperialism,
Israel & India, Hindutva-Zionism : an alliance of the New Epoch by Vijay
Prashad (2002) Liberal
and Extreme-Rigth Unite in Defense of the Jewish Zionist Ashkenazi State
by Tikva Honig-Parnass (2002) 
The Birth of the
Tragedy - The Victim Mentality by Gilad Atzmon ( Is./GB, "Exile"
BBC Jazz Award, 2003)
On Anti-Semitism
by Gilad Atzmon (Is./GB, "Exile", BBC Jazz Award, 20/12/03)
Call for Boycott
of Israeli Academic Institutions by Israel Imperial News (Winter 2004)
Israel Settlers
Are Running Terrorist Organizations by Israel Imperial News/Palestinian
Monitor (Winter 2004)
Arabs
and Jews can leave in Peace by John Rose ( Jewish Socialist, Socialist Worker
and Socialist Workers Party)
Israel
: The Hijack State : zionism or socialism ? by John Rose
The
Jewish Question by Abram Leon (REDS, A marxist interpretation, 1946, Chapitre
7)
SocialistViewPoint
Orthodoxe Jews to Burn Israeli Flag in International Ceremony statement
by Neiturei Karta International (mars 2004, Vol.4, nĀ3)
Pursuing the
Millenium : Jewish Fondamentalism in Israel by David Hirst (mars 2004, Vol.4,
nĀ3)
Sharon is
not the problem, it's Zionism by Ghada Karmi (mars 2004,Vol.4,nĀ3)
|